A. Kuznetsov: At the end of August 1911, Nicholas II with his family and confidants (including Stolypin) was in Kiev on the occasion of the opening of the monument to Alexander II in connection with the 50th anniversary of the abolition of serfdom. On September 1, the emperor, his daughters, and ministers attended the play "The Tale of Tsar Saltan" at the Kyiv City Theater. During the second intermission, Prime Minister Stolypin, who was sitting in the first row, was approached by a young man in a tailcoat and fired a double browning: the first bullet hit the arm, the second - in the stomach, hitting the liver. On September 4, in the evening, Stolypin’s condition deteriorated sharply, he began to lose strength, his pulse began to weaken, and around 10 o'clock in the evening on September 5, the Prime Minister died.
The killer was caught on the spot. It turned out to be a 24-year-old Dmitry Grigorievich (Mordko Gershkovich) Bogrov. Dmitri's father was a renowned attorney attorney (attorney) in Kiev, and his grandfather was a Jewish writer who converted to Christianity at the end of his life.
Dmitry Bogrov was sent straight from the theater to the Kosoy Kaponir fortress in Kiev, where he was confined to a solitary cell. An extremely short and very hasty investigation has begun. Next sentence - the death penalty.
S. Buntman: As far as I know, the Stolypin case is still fraught with a lot of vagueness, various people are suspected ...
A. Kuznetsov: Exactly. This bank with spiders. The remarkable Soviet historian Aron Yakovlevich Avrekh wrote an interesting book “P. A. Stolypin and the fate of reforms in Russia ”, in which he dedicated an entire chapter to the assassination of the Prime Minister. So, Aaron Yakovlevich calls those suspected of this case “the gang of four”.
S. Buntman: What kind of "gang"?
Diana Nesypova. The murder of Stolypin Bogrov in the Kiev Opera House
A. Kuznetsov: I will present them in descending order of posts. So, the largest figure is Pavel Grigorievich Kurlov, Lieutenant-General, a man who at the time of the murder was a comrade (as the deputies were then called) Minister of the Interior, head of the police department and chief of a separate gendarmes corps. At the same time, let me remind you that Stolypin was the Minister of the Interior at that time.
The next participant is Alexander Ivanovich Spiridovich, head of the imperial palace police (FSO, in a modern way). Formally, he was subordinate to the Minister of the Interior, but in fact to the palace commandant, he was his deputy on all matters, primarily agent-related, related to the protection of the ruling family.
The third person, the youngest and most inconspicuous of all these four, is a certain Mitrofan Nikolaevich Verigin. For quite a long time he served in various legal departments, but literally before the assassination he had an incredible career takeoff, apparently connected with cronyism, acquaintances, and so on - Verigin became the acting vice-director of the police department.
And finally, the fourth participant, the one who will be made the main scapegoat, is Nikolay Nikolayevich Kulyabko, a lieutenant colonel of a separate corps of gendarmes, the head of the Kiev security department. Kulyabko was an associate of Spiridovich, he graduated from the Pavlovsk Military School with him and was married to his sister.
S. Buntman: Pretty close circle of acquaintances.
A. Kuznetsov: Yes. Now we will try to reconstruct the events with a rear number, so to speak. A few days before Stolypin was assassinated, high-ranking guests, first of all those responsible for security, began to arrive in Kiev. In the afternoon, Lieutenant Colonel Kulyabko received his metropolitan colleagues in his apartment. According to the recollections of one of the invitees, the dinner was held in a rather gloomy atmosphere, since all the guests were under the heavy impression of the fact of suicide that occurred on that day in the department. At the end of the dinner, the host said that one very interesting gentleman had come to him, and invited Spiridovich and Verigin to listen to what he was going to tell. Dmitry Bogrov turned out to be a mysterious guest, who told the police the story that until recently he was an anarchist, but then he quickly realized that he and his comrades were not on the way, so he himself consciously went to the security department and offered his help.
S. Buntman: That is, became an agent of Lieutenant Colonel Kulyabko?
A. Kuznetsov: Yes. Bogrov said that about a year ago in St. Petersburg, he met with a certain Nikolai Yakovlevich. I must say that the existence of this person is under a big question, most likely, this is an invention.
S. Buntman: So.
A. Kuznetsov: No one has ever seen this person, did not know, did not touch. All exclusively from the words of Bogrov.
Dmitry Grigorievich (Mordko Gershkovich) Bogrov
So, the metropolitan acquaintance had a continuation in Kiev: first, a letter came to Bogrov from Nikolai Yakovlevich asking whether his political convictions had changed, and then he himself took it and showed up at his dacha, asked to find a safe flat in Kiev for three people and motor boat to travel on the Dnieper. Analyzing all of the above, Bogrov concluded that an attempt on one of the dignitaries was being prepared. To whom exactly, Nikolai Yakovlevich did not say, but the figure is definitely not small.
The gendarmes listened to the message with great attention. After some discussions, it was decided to establish external surveillance of Bogrov’s house.
The next few days were more or less calm. However, on August 31, Bogrov called the secret police and announced that Nikolay Yakovlevich had arrived at his apartment at night. Outer observation, oddly enough, did not notice anything.
S. Buntman: How so?
A. Kuznetsov: The filers were on duty only during the day.
Bogrov said that Stolypin or Kasso’s Minister of Public Education had been chosen as the target of the assassination. According to Bogrov, Nikolai Yakovlevich asked him to get a ticket to the Merchant Garden for a walk in honor of the king and to collect the exact signs of the two ministers.
S. Buntman: Sorry, but some nonsense. Photos, portraits ... Well, I’m not sure about Kasso, but images of Prime Minister Stolypin could be bought in any bookstore, not to mention newspapers.
A. Kuznetsov: I agree. Nevertheless, in the evening Kulyabko sent Bogrov a ticket. He went on a walk, according to his own testimony, with Browning, but was not able to carry out the attempt because of the large influx of the public.
Late at night, Bogrov came to Kulyabko’s apartment with a written report about Nikolai Yakovlevich: “He has two browings in his luggage. He says that he came not alone, but with the girl Nina Alexandrovna ... I think that the girl Nina Alexandrovna has a bomb. At the same time, Nikolai Yakovlevich declared that the successful outcome of their business is beyond doubt, hinting at mysterious high-ranking patrons. ”
Everything that happened on September 1, 1911 can be restored by the minute. In the morning General Kurlov met with Stolypin and asked him to be extremely careful. Pyotr Arkadyevich did not share the anxieties of his subordinates and did not intend to hide from anyone in a pointed manner. Nevertheless, additional measures were taken to ensure the safety of the Prime Minister: on this day, Stolypin was given a car instead of a horse-drawn carriage, which, without attracting attention, drove to the side porch of the theater. It's all. No more precautions.
So, arrived at the theater. The performance began. During the first intermission, Kulyabko approached Bogrov in order to clarify whether Nikolai Yakovlevich is still in his apartment? The gods went to check. When he returned, he ran into a problem: since his ticket was already torn, they did not let him go to the theater. But then Kulyabko came to the rescue, took Bogrov under the arm and escorted him to the box, after making sure that everything was in order, Nikolai Yakovlevich was in place.
During the second intermission, Bogrov fired. And here is an absolutely fantastic story: literally a few minutes after his arrest, when one of the prosecutors at the Kiev Court of Justice began interrogation, a police officer appeared: “I am from Mr. Kulyabko. He demands that the detainee be transferred to the security department. ” “What else,” the prosecutor replied. - I will lead the investigation. That is, the prosecutor apparently understood that the secret police were somehow involved in this whole story.
Well, then everything is more or less clear. Bogrov is judged by a closed military court. The sentence - the death penalty by hanging. By the way, none of the political groups claimed responsibility for this murder, which is very, very strange.
Removal of Peter Stolypin’s body from the Makovsky Brothers Hospital
S. Buntman: I propose to go through the versions.
A. Kuznetsov: The first version, which was voiced by Bogrov himself (although he gave out a lot of them), is that anarchists pushed him to the attempt. According to him, in March 1911 a well-known policeman named Stepa came to him, saying that a party court had been committed over Bogrov somewhere abroad, that he had been finally recognized as a provocateur and that in order to justify himself, he had to make some attempt. In case of refusal, death awaited him at the hands of anarchists.
Bogrov claimed that he did not even dare to kill Stolypin. At the most, what he hoped for was the murder of the head of the secret police. But Kulyabko didn’t raise his hand: “I couldn’t kill him. I already came to his house. It was morning. He was still asleep. I asked to be woken up. And so he came to me wrapped in a blanket. I could not. If he was in uniform, I would have shot him. ”
S. Buntman: According to the second version, Bogrov was an honest revolutionary, and the legend about him as an agent of the secret police was the evil slander put into circulation by lieutenant colonel Kulyabko to justify his utter failure.
A. Kuznetsov: Yes. But after the archives of the Police Department were opened in December 1917, where the Bogrov's agency file remained, unlike many others, this version was a fiasco.
The next version, which often flashes in anti-Semitic literature, is that Bogrov revenged Stolypin for his own.
S. Buntman: If there are Jews in the case, then without it.
A. Kuznetsov: Yes. But, firstly, Bogrov was completely indifferent to the Jewish question, and secondly, Russian Jewry did not have any special reasons for hating Stolypin.
S. Buntman: In addition, there is an opinion that Nikolai II was interested in eliminating Stolypin from power.
A. Kuznetsov: Yes. The popularity of Peter Arkadevich grew so much that his personality began to overshadow the figure of the emperor. In addition, Stolypin threatened Nicholas with his resignation if he did not enter the zemstvos in the western provinces. And it was impossible to do so: Nikolai Alexandrovich, quiet, affectionate, did not forgive such things. Therefore, the version that the secret police was the main actor in eliminating the prime minister has the right to exist.
By the way, as for Nicholas II. It is known that after Stolypin's death, when he appointed Kokovtsov as chairman of the Council of Ministers, the emperor told him: “I hope you will not overshadow me as Stolypin did?”